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አማራ ተደራጅ
የአዲስ አበባ ወጣት ተደራጅ ህዝብ ተደራጅ ማለት ምን ማለት ነው ?
እባካችሁን ይህን አንብባችሁ ዝም ብላችሁ አትሂዱ
facebook share አድርጉ!
ተደራጅ ማለት ስብሰባ አዳራሺ እስከ አፍጢሙ ድረስ ሞልተህ ስታጨበጭብ እና ስታፏጭ መዋል እንዳይመስልህ !!
መደራጀት ማለት በየአዳራሹ ልብ የማያሞቅ አስተያየት መስጠት ማለት እንዳይመስልህ
ተደራጅ ማለት የመግለጫ ጋጋታ እያወጣህ መንግስትን መተቸት እንዳይመስልህ !!
እኔ እማውቀው መደራጀት:
ብዙ እርቀት ሳንሄድ ትላንት የሆነውን ብንወስድ ኤጀቶ እና ቄሮ የተባሉ በሰው አምሳያ የተፈጠሩ የንፁሀንን ደም ያፈሰሱ አውሬወች ሲዳማ ዞን በሚኖር ምስኪን ህዝብ ላይ ግፍ የፈፀሙት ስለተደራጁ እንጂ አቅም ኖሯቸው እንዳይመስላችሁ ::
200 የኤጀቶ መንጋ የአንድ ጉራጌ ሱቅ ዝረፉ አቃጥሉ ተብለው ከመሪያቸው ቀጥታ ትእዛዝ ሲሰጣቸው እነሱን ለመቋቋም 50 ጉራጌወች ቢደራጁ ኖሮ የጥፋት ተልኳቸውን መቀልበስ ይቻል ነበር ::
ኤጀቶ ፈሪወች ናቸው
300 ቄሮወች አንድ ቤት ክርስትያን ለማቃጠል ከጁዋር መሀመድ ተልኮ ሲሰጣቸው 100 ምእመናኖች ዲያቆኖችን ጨምሮ ቢደራጁ ኖሮ የቤተ እምነቱን ጫፍ መንካት አይችሉም ነበር ዲያቆኖች ጉልበት የላቸውም ያለ ማን ነው ?
በ20 ወታደሮች 20ሺ ኦነጎች ከነ ሙሉ ትጥቃቸው እንደተማረኩ የማያውቅ የለም
ቄሮወች (የኦነግ ልጆች ናቸው ) ልብ የላቸውም ምክንያቱም ከፈሪ ተወልደው ፈሪ ያሳደጋቸው ስለሆኑ
50 ኤጀቶወች እማያውቁት ሰፈር ሄደው የአንድ አማራ ቤት ሲያቃጥሉ 10 የተደራጁ አማሮች ቢኖሩ ኖሮ ሰፈራቸውን ያስከብሯት ነበር
የያዙትን ገጀራ እየቀሙ ገርፎ ሁለተኛ አይለመደኝም የሚል ቲ-ሸርት አስለብሶ ወደ መጡበት መመለስ ይቻል ነበር :
ያለመደራጀት ጥቃት ያስከትላል
በተለይ አዲስ አበባ የምትኖሩ አማራ : ጉራጌ : ትግሬ : ሱማሌ : ወላይታ : ጋምቤላ እንዲሁም ሌሎች ብሄሮች በሙሉ በየሰፈራችሁ ተደራጁና ህብረት ፍጠሩ:
መደራጀት ማለት አብሮ መቆም ማለት ነው
ሊያጠፋህ የመጣብህን ጠላት ድራሺ አባቱ እንዲጠፋ ማድረግ ማለት ነው
ስትደራጅ መናበብ መልመድ እና ልበ ሙሉ ቆራጥ መሆንን ይጠይቃል ::
የጊዜ ጉዳይ ነው እንጅ ቄሮ የተባሉ የድንጋይ ዘመን ወጣቶች የአዲስ አበባን ህዝብ ሰላም ለመንሳት መሞከራቸው የማይቀር ስለሆነ ተደራጁ ተደራጁ ተደራጁ!!
መንግስት በሌለበት ዘመን ተደራጅተህ ጠላትህን ካልተከላከልክ መጨረሻው ሺንፈት ወይም ሞት ነው::
This is important! But how to organize residents in a given locality? It should be done in silent manner in smaller groups and exchange information among groups for self defense. Even the PM advised such defense for communities some time ago when he was immitating as healthy person.
Ethiopians who leave in different regions ( specifically) Amhara’s need laws that address the ways in which Amhara’s are kept second-class: the institutional sanctions for violence and violation, de jure and de facto; the patterns of abuse and debasement; the systematic injuries to integrity, freedom, equality, and self-esteem. As a Principles:
1. Remedies for inequality must be derived from the specific kinds and patterns of inequality that exist. They must address the real ways in which Amhara’s are hurt.
2. To dismantle the coercion, you have to figure out how society organizes and maintains it.
3. Those who are civilly inferior are presumed to have a nature that deserves the treatment they get.
4. Amhara’s human rights are violated through different ways. This includes forced displacement, Rape, battery, prostitution, torture, and murder express contempt for the human worth of Amhara and keep Amhara second- class in their country.
5. Equality requires the redistribution of power.
The authority of law could be maintained only if law sanctioned the equality that had been anathema to it. The courts never said they had been wrong; and to this day it is a dicey business to impugn the more perfect Constitution of the framers. But law had to bend or break. The authority of the law always appears to be absolute but in fact it is never absolute or immutable. Resistance can force it to change its ground. The authority of the law Ethiopia had been used to impose inequality. This inequality gave the tyrant TPLF(Tigrayan) authority. The resistance to inequality had to confront, resist, and repudiate both the authority of the law and the authority of Tigrayan. To maintain itself, law/ the constitution has to be changed. The authority of tyrant TPLF or their successors should be destroyed. It had to be, because TPLF or their successors authority carried the contagion of TPLF or their successors supremacy beyond where law could go. TPLF an written authority over Amhara’s permeates every ethnic group in Ethiopia to condemn Amhara’s because they are Amanas’s. Thus, he state is one agent of other ethnic authority over Amhara’s. Resistance to EPRDF authority requires far more than resistance to the state or to the authority of the state. For Amhara’s, the authority of the EPRDF extends into intimacy and privacy, for the Amhara’s precious products . In this regard, deference to EPRDF authority means deference to second-class status.
The authority of the law must be—and can be—forced to change its ground: to sanction equality. The authority of TPLF/EPRDF has to be pretty much destroyed. It is probably impossible to repudiate Amhara’s inequality while accepting TPLF/EPRDF authority. So far, hostility to the authority of TPLF/EPRDF appears to be a serious no-no, even though each act or attitude of deference further entrenches male dominance. It is likely that Amhara’s inequality—the habits and patterns of discrimination, prejudice, and debasement that injure Amhara people —can survive any political resistance so long as the authority of TPLF/EPRDF remains.
Thus as a principle:
1. The authority of law, which has sanctioned Amhara’s inequality, can be forced to sanction equality if resistance is intense enough and if the stakes are high enough, for example, the viability of the law itself.
2. At this time, deference to Amhara’s authority means deference to second- class status.
3. Resisting the authority of TPLF/EPRDF is necessary.
Equality as a Goal
Freedom of Association
Tigray’s and Oromos have freedom of association because they have power. TPLF/EPRDF use the power to exclude Amhara’s. Amhara’s do not have freedom of association because they are forbidden from doing so under many circumstances. Oromos and Tigranes say that if they are forced to integrate, they will be deprived of their right to freedom of association. They are in fact deprived of it so that this same right can be extended to Amhara’s and another ethnic group. The mathematics of the situation are clear: as long as Tigranes count as the humans who have a right to rights, making them integrate means taking away their absolute control of association in public and in private. As soon as Amhara’s and another ethnic group count as humans who also have rights, freedom of association is in fact extended, increased, significantly multiplied, because Amhara’s and another ethnic group can exercise it.
Freedom of Speech
Amhara’s and another ethnic group, who have lived in social, political, and legal silence for the last 28 years , are told that freedom of speech is a sacrosanct right, and that any effort to diminish it for anyone diminishes it for Amhara’s and another ethnic group. Though Amhara’s and another ethnic group have been excluded from access to the means of communication, from the political dialogue, from education, from economic equity or political power; though Amhara’s and another ethnic group are forced into social silence by contempt and by terrorism; though Amhara’s and another ethnic group are excluded from participation in the institutions that articulate social policy; Amhara’s and another ethnic group are supposed to value speech rights by valuing the rights of those who have excluded them.
If Amhara’s and another ethnic group recognizes that their so-called right is an exercise of power at the expense of her humanity, and if Amhara’s and another ethnic group wants rights of speech that are real in the world such that TPLF/EPRDF cannot gag them and hang them, they will be accused of wanting to take their rights from them. In fact, Amhara’s and another ethnic group wants to take his power over them from TPLF/EPRDF. TPLF/EPRDF has power disguised as rights protected by law that fosters inequality. The mathematics are simple: TPLF/EPRDF diminished power will lead to an increase in Amhara’s rights. Because the establishment of equality means taking power from those who have it, power protected by law, those who have wrongful power hate equality and resist it. They defend the status quo through bigotry and violence or sophistication and intellect. They find high and mighty principles and say how important rights are. They say that rights will be lost if society changes. They mean that power will be lost, by them. This is true. The Constitution, including the Bill of Rights, has served to defend wrongful power and to protect inequality and exploitation. This is primarily because Amhara’s were not recognized as fully human in Ethiopia and their inequality was built into the basic structure of constitutional law. We need to establish a legal imperative toward equality. Without equality as a fundamental value, “rights” is a euphemism for “power, ” and legally protected dominance will continue to preclude any real equality.